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Husain Haqqani

Pakistan

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Among U.S. allies in the war against terrorism, Pakistan cannot be easily characterized as either friend or foe. Nuclear-armed Pakistan is an important center of radical Islamic ideas and groups. Since 9/11, the selective cooperation of president General Pervez Musharraf in sharing intelligence with the United States and apprehending al Qaeda members has led to the assumption that Pakistan might be ready to give up its longstanding ties with radical Islam. But Pakistan's status as an Islamic ideological state is closely linked with the Pakistani elite's worldview and the praetorian ambitions of its military. This book analyzes the origins of the relationships between Islamist groups and Pakistan's military, and explores the nation's quest for identity and security. Tracing how the military has sought U.S. support by making itself useful for concerns of the moment—while continuing to strengthen the mosque-military alliance within Pakistan—Haqqani offers an alternative view of political developments since the country's independence in 1947.
Эта книга сейчас недоступна
559 бумажных страниц
Дата публикации оригинала
2010
Год выхода издания
2010
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Цитаты

  • Kamil Khanцитирует6 лет назад
    Since Ayub Khan’s military regime, only officially published textbooks could be used in schools from Grade 1 to college level. Pakistani governments used these mandatory textbooks, especially in social studies, to create a standard narrative of Pakistani history. Under Zia ul-Haq, textbooks were rewritten with an Islamist ideological agenda. Pakistani historian K.K. Aziz describes these textbooks as being replete with historic errors and suggests that their mandatory study amounted to the teaching of “prescribed myths.”60
  • Kamil Khanцитирует6 лет назад
    For most of Zia ul-Haq’s eleven years in power, Pakistanis debated what was or was not Islamic. A story typical of the period said:
    A Pakistani youth who was sentenced last summer to have his right hand amputated for stealing a clock from a mosque is still in prison while Islamic scholars debate whether just the fingers or the whole hand should be severed and whether the amputated limb becomes the property of the state or the thief . . . A Karachi bus driver who in 1981 was sentenced to death for adultery is still awaiting a review of the piousness of the required witnesses before the sentence can be executed . . . An intense debate is continuing over whether qisas—“eye for eye” retaliation—should be imposed for injurious assault and murder or whether “blood money” compensation should be paid
  • Kamil Khanцитирует6 лет назад
    Clerics supporting these laws argued that “women were emotional and irritable, with inferior faculties of reason and memory” and that courts ought to discount their testimony as well as that of “the blind, handicapped, lunatics and children.” The leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Qazi Hussain Ahmed, declared that “those who oppose such laws are only trying to run away from Islam.
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